Righteousness alone can exalt them [America] as a nation. Reader! Whoever thou art, remember this; and in thy sphere practise virtue thyself, and encourage it in others.
Patrick Henry, Patrick Henry: Life, Correspondence and Speeches, Vol. I, p. 82
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Will the abandonment of your most sacred rights tend to the security of your liberty? Liberty, the greatest of all earthly blessing — give us that precious jewel, and you may take every thing else! But I am fearful I have lived long enough to become an old-fashioned fellow. Perhaps an invincible attachment to the dearest rights of man may, in these refined, enlightened days, be deemed old-fashioned; if so, I am contented to be so.
I say, the time has been when every pulse of my heart beat for American liberty, and which, I believe, had a counterpart in the breast of every true American; but suspicions have gone forth — suspicions of my integrity — publicly reported that my professions are not real. Twenty-three years ago was I supposed a traitor to my country? I was then said to be the bane of sedition, because I supported the rights of my country. I may be thought suspicious when I say our privileges and rights are in danger. But, sir, a number of the people of this country are weak enough to think these things are too true.
I am happy to find that the gentleman on the other side declares they are groundless. But, sir, suspicion is a virtue as long as its object is the preservation of the public good, and as long as it stays within proper bounds: should it fall on me, I am contented: conscious rectitude is a powerful consolation. I trust there are many who think my professions for the public good to be real. Let your suspicion look to both sides. There are many on the other side, who possibly may have been persuaded to the necessity of these measures, which I conceive to be dangerous to your liberty. Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect every one who approaches that jewel. Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force. Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined.
Patrick Henry, Speech on the Federal Constitution, Virginia Ratifying Convention (5 June 1788)
I long to hear that you have declared an independency. And by the way, in the the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands. Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention is not paid to the Ladies we are determined to foment a Rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.
That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of Friend. Why, then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity? Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your sex; regard us then as Beings placed by Providence under your protection, and in imitation of the Supreme Being make use of that power only for our happiness.
Abigail Adams, Letter to John Adams (31 March 1776), published in Familiar Letters of John Adams and his wife Abigail Adams (1875)
It is natural for man to indulge in the illusions of hope and pride. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
Patrick Henry, Give me liberty or give me death speech, March 23, 1775
Unless your government is respectable, foreigners will invade your rights; and to maintain tranquillity you must be respectable; even to observe neutrality you must have a strong government.
Alexander Hamilton, Elliot’s Debates, volume 1, p. 463
Constitutions should consist only of general provisions; the reason is that they must necessarily be permanent, and that they cannot calculate for the possible change of things.
Alexander Hamilton, Elliot’s Debates, volume 2, p. 364
I long to hear that you have declared an independency. And by the way, in the the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands. Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention is not paid to the Ladies we are determined to foment a Rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.
That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of Friend. Why, then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity? Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your sex; regard us then as Beings placed by Providence under your protection, and in imitation of the Supreme Being make use of that power only for our happiness.
Abigail Adams, Letter to John Adams (31 March 1776)
As an historical interpreter of Alexander Hamilton, I’m often asked what Hamilton would think about particular modern policies and legislation. Of course, it’s nearly impossible to take the views of Hamilton—operating in a much different nation and world, more than two hundred years ago—and apply them accurately to our own circumstances and time. Hamilton was a deep, rational thinker. He would doubtless eschew all such attempts.
But this much we do know. Hamilton was a political realist. He knew that humans are self-interested beings, usually intent on pursuing that which benefits them directly. Thus, government is necessary, he reasoned, “because the passions of man will not conform to the dictates of reason and justice, without constraint.” His early political ally, James Madison, perhaps said it best: “If all men were angels there would be no need for government.” Yet Hamilton was also an idealist when it came to politics. He believed that “fit men” could be identified and elected to political office—people who would work tirelessly for the benefit of all. This was a view he embraced early and perhaps articulated best in a series of newspaper articles written during the Revolutionary War.
Hamilton was disgusted by charges that a Member of Congress was using insider information to engage in business deals that hurt the army’s ability to provision its soldiers. As Aide de Camp to General George Washington, Hamilton was in a position to see the impact of such selfishness. And, in a series of three newspaper articles, he not only condemned the legislator’s activities but outlined as well what he thought should be the characteristics of a virtuous Member of Congress.
Suspicion is a virtue as long as its object is the public good, and as long as it stays within proper bounds. Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect every one who approaches that jewel.
Patrick Henry, Speech on the Federal Constitution, Virginia Ratifying Convention
Constitutions should consist only of general provisions; the reason is that they must necessarily be permanent, and that they cannot calculate for the possible change of things.
Alexander Hamilton, Elliot’s Debates, volume 2, p. 364. (1788-07-28)
I long to hear that you have declared an independency. And by the way, in the the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands.
Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could. If particular care and attention is not paid to the Ladies we are determined to foment a Rebellion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.
That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of Friend.
Why, then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity? Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your sex; regard us then as Beings placed by Providence under your protection, and in imitation of the Supreme Being make use of that power only for our happiness.
Letter to John Adams (31 March 1776), published in Familiar Letters of John Adams and his wife Abigail Adams (1875) edited by Charles Francis Adams, p. 147
It is vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace! But there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
Patrick Henry, Give me liberty, or give me death speech, 1775
What to my Saviour shall I give
Who freely hath done this for me?
I’ll serve him here whilst I shall live
And Love him to Eternity
Anne Bradstreet, By Night when Others Soundly Slept
God needeth not the help of a material sword of steel to assist the sword of the Spirit in the affairs of conscience.
Roger Williams – The Bloody Tenent of Persecution, for Cause of Conscience (1644)
Get a FREE Copy of “The Life & Times of Roger Williams” by May Emery Hall
Get a FREE copy of “The Writings of Benjamin Rush” edited by Dagobert D Runes
“If a great man dies there is a hole in the world.” There are few memorials that praise his name in our country yet few were as fiery as he, or more influential, in the rebellion that brought this country into being; and few held the standards of its early learning and culture as high as he held them.
There can be no doubt as to the depth of Benjamin Rush’s burning patriotism, his hatred of the British oppression, and of all tyranny. His signature on the Declaration of Independence was by no means a merely formal one. It signified not only his people’s fight against British domination, but his continuing resolve to battle tyranny, intolerance, and suppression in his native America.
